Written by Kevin Herbert

The History of Ukraine: From Medieval Rus

Today, Kyiv is the capital city of Ukraine. A millennium ago, it was the heart of what is known as the Kyivan Rus state. Between the 8th and 11th centuries, Norse traders sailed the river routes from the Baltic to the Black Sea. Predominantly Swedish in origin, they found their way to the Byzantine Empire and even attacked Persia from the Caspian Sea in the 10th century.

Around Novgorod, and what is now Kyiv, as well as other places on the rivers, these traders began to settle. They were referred to as the Rus, which seems to have its origins in the word for men who row, since they were so closely associated with the river and their ships. Merging with Slavic, Baltic and Finnic Tribes, they became known as the Kyivan Rus.

The Rus tribes are the ancestors of those who still bear their name today, the Russian and Belarusian people, as well as those of Ukraine. Kyiv was referred to by the 12th century as the ‘mother of Rus cities’, effectively denoting it as the capital of the Kyivan Rus state. The rulers of the region were styled Grand Princes of Kyiv.

This association of Kyiv with the early heritage of the Rus as the root of the Russian people means the city has a hold over the collective imaginations of those beyond modern Ukraine. It was important to the birth of Russia, but now it lies beyond its borders. This thousand-year-old connection is the beginning of an explanation of the modern tensions. People, it seems, are willing to fight over places that exert a pull on them. In 1223, the irresistible expansion of the Mongol Horde reached the Kyivan Rus state. On 31 May, the Battle of the Kalka River was fought, resulting in a decisive Mongol victory. Although the horde left the region after the battle, the damage had been done, and they would return in 1237 to complete the conquest of Kyivan Rus.

This began the breakup of Kyivan Rus, though they had always fought among themselves, and left the region under the dominion of the Golden Horde, in some places for centuries. It was during this period that the Grand Duchy of Moscow began to rise, eventually becoming the heart of what is now Russia and providing a new focal point for the Rus people.

As the control of the Golden Horde slipped, Ukraine was absorbed into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and then the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth for a time. This pull, often both east and west, has long defined Ukraine. By the mid-14th century, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania expanded into the territories of modern Ukraine. After the decisive Battle of the Blue Waters against the Golden Horde (1362/63), Lithuania annexed Polotsk, Volhynia, Chernihiv, and Kyiv. Lithuanian rulers adhered to the principle „We do not disturb the old, nor do we introduce the new”, which allowed local Ruthenian traditions, religion, and administration to remain largely intact. The Lithuanian rulers styled themselves as „rulers of Rus'”, integrating Ruthenian traditions and governance into their system. This integration included Ruthenian aristocrats, like the Olelkovich family, who became influential in the Lithuanian administration. Old Church Slavonic and Ruthenian served as primary administrative languages alongside Latin.

Simultaneously, Poland began asserting influence over western Ukraine. Red Ruthenia, parts of Volhynia, and Podolia were incorporated into the Kingdom of Poland, and the Polish monarch adopted the title „lord and heir of Ruthenia” (Latin: Russiae dominus et Heres). Meanwhile, the Kingdom of Hungary also maintained influence, particularly over Transcarpathia and parts of Bessarabia. The Hungarian Crown controlled these regions, fostering Magyarization and Catholic influence while integrating them into Hungary’s political and economic system. From the 13th century onwards, parts of Ukraine’s Black Sea called Genoese Gazaria came under the influence of the Republic of Genoa, which established fortified trading colonies. These included key settlements such as Caffa (modern Feodosia), Soldaia (modern Sudak), and others in today’s Odesa Oblast. These fortresses, heavily guarded by Genoese garrisons, functioned as hubs for maritime trade and ensured Genoa’s control over Black Sea commerce. The Genoese dominance, however, faced challenges from neighbouring powers and ended with the Ottoman conquest in 1475.

In 1322, Pope John XXII established a Catholic diocese in Caffa (modern-day Feodosia), marking the only Catholic stronghold within Mongol-controlled territories. It served as a central religious authority from the Balkans to the capital of the Golden Horde, Sarai. The Genoese settlements were not only economic centers but also a point of cultural and religious interaction between Europe, the Mongol Empire, and the Middle East. Under the reign of Alexander, I (1801–1825), the Russian presence in Ukraine was largely limited to the imperial army and its bureaucracy. However, by the reign of Nicholas I (1825–1855), Russia had established a centralised administration in Ukraine. After suppressing the November Uprising of 1830, the tsarist regime implemented Russification policies, particularly on the Right-bank Ukraine. These policies not only suppressed the Ukrainian language but also aimed to weaken local traditions by emphasising loyalty to the Russian Orthodox Church, which actively promoted Russification in contrast to the Uniate Church’s earlier influence in Western Ukraine.

The 1861 emancipation of serfs had a profound effect on Ukraine, as 42% of its population were serfs. By the late 19th century, heavy taxes, rapid population growth, and land shortages led to widespread impoverishment among the peasantry. Many rural Ukrainians began migrating to cities, where industrialisation and urban development created new economic opportunities but also fostered a growing sense of class consciousness. The construction of the first railway track in 1866 not only integrated Ukraine’s economy into the Russian imperial system but also facilitated the mobility of workers and goods. Despite their hardships, Ukrainian peasants and workers contributed significantly to the empire’s economy, with the steppe regions producing 20% of the world’s wheat and 80% of the empire’s sugar. The Ukrainian national revival began in the late 18th century with the emergence of modern Ukrainian literature, spearheaded by Ivan Kotliarevsky. Prominent 19th-century Ukrainian authors included Taras Shevchenko, Mykhailo Kotsiubynsky, and Lesya Ukrainka in the Russian Empire, and Ivan Franko in Austria-Hungary. The rise of a Ukrainian intelligentsia, increasingly composed of commoners and peasants, challenged the dominance of the traditional nobility and fueled the movement for national rights and social justice. However, fearing the rise of separatism, the Russian government imposed strict limits on the Ukrainian language and culture. World War I and the wave of revolutions that swept across Europe – including the October Revolution in Russia – shattered empires such as the Austro-Hungarian and Russian Empires, leaving Ukraine caught in geopolitical upheaval. Between 1917 and 1919, several Ukrainian republics declared independence, marking the emergence of a complex array of states and territories seeking sovereignty. Among these were the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the Ukrainian State, the West Ukrainian People’s Republic, the Makhnovshchina, the Kholodny Yar Republic, and the Kuban People’s Republic. Concurrently, several Bolshevik revolutionary committees, or revkoms, sought to establish Soviet power, leading to the formation of various Soviet-aligned entities, including the Ukrainian People’s Republic of Soviets, the Odessa Soviet Republic, the Donetsk–Krivoy Rog Soviet Republic, the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, the Taurida Soviet Socialist Republic, the Galician Soviet Socialist Republic, and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Each of these republics and regimes represented different visions for Ukraine’s future, reflecting the era’s ideological and territorial conflicts that would profoundly impact the region. The Ukrainian People’s Republic (UPR) was officially proclaimed on 20 November 1917, amidst the turmoil of the Russian Revolution and the disintegration of the Russian Empire. Initially, the Ukrainian Central Council (Rada), comprising influential Ukrainian political figures, pursued autonomy within a federated Russia. However, as the political situation in Russia grew increasingly unstable, the UPR took a decisive step by declaring full independence on 22 January 1918.

On 24 August 1991, the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian Parliament) declared Ukraine’s independence from the Soviet Union, a decisive step taken in the wake of the failed August Coup. This historic decision was reinforced by a nationwide referendum on 1 December 1991, where 90.32% of voters supported independence, with majorities in every region (including 54.19% in Crimea). That same day, Ukraine held its first presidential election, a pivotal moment in its post-Soviet history. Leonid Kravchuk, a former high-ranking Soviet official, won the election, becoming the first President of Ukraine. During his tenure, Kravchuk worked to maintain stability, distance Ukraine from Moscow’s influence, and manage internal political challenges.

Frequently asked questions related to the war

Are Russians and Ukrainians the same people?

Russians and Ukrainians are not the same people. The territories that make up modern-day Russia and Ukraine have been contested throughout history, so in the past, parts of Ukraine were part of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Other parts of Ukraine were once part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire, and the Republic of Poland, among others. During the Russian imperial and Soviet periods, policies from Moscow pushed the Russian language and culture in Ukraine, resulting in a largely bilingual country in which nearly everyone in Ukraine speaks both Ukrainian and Russian. Ukraine was tightly connected to the Russian cultural, economic, and political spheres when it was part of the Soviet Union, but the Ukrainian language, cultural, and political structures always existed despite Soviet efforts to repress them. When Ukraine became independent in 1991, everyone living on the territory of what is now Ukraine became a citizen of the new country (this is why Ukraine is known as a civic nation instead of an ethnic one). This included many people who came from Russian ethnic backgrounds, especially living in eastern Ukraine and Crimea, as well as Russian speakers living across the country.

Can’t Ukraine be a neutral country and not join NATO?

Ukraine gave up its nuclear arsenal in exchange for the protection of its territorial sovereignty in the Budapest Memorandum. But in 2014, Russian troops occupied the peninsula of Crimea, held an illegal referendum, and claimed the territory for the Russian Federation. The muted international response to this clear violation of sovereignty helped motivate separatist groups in Donetsk and Luhansk regions – with Russian support – to declare secession from Ukraine, presumably with the hopes that a similar annexation and referendum would take place. Instead, this prompted a war that continues to this day – separatist paramilitaries are backed by Russian troops, equipment, and funding, fighting against an increasingly well-armed and experienced Ukrainian army.

Ukrainian leaders (and many Ukrainian citizens) see membership in NATO as a way to protect their country’s sovereignty, continue building its democracy, and avoid another violation like the annexation of Crimea. With an aggressive, authoritarian neighbour to Ukraine’s east, and with these recurring threats of a new invasion, Ukraine does not have the choice of neutrality. Leaders have made clear that they do not want Ukraine to be subjected to Russian interference and dominance in any sphere, so they hope that entering NATO’s protective sphere – either now or in the future – can counterbalance Russian threats.

Is Ukraine divided between East and West?

Ukraine is often viewed as a dualistic country, divided down the middle by the Dnipro River. The western part of the country is often associated with the Ukrainian language and culture, and because of this, it is often considered the heart of its nationalist movement. The eastern part of Ukraine has historically been more Russian-speaking, and its industry-based economy has been entwined with Russia. While these features are not untrue, regionalism is not definitive in predicting people’s attitudes toward Russia, Europe, and Ukraine’s future. It’s important to remember that every oblast (region) in Ukraine voted for independence in 1991, including Crimea.

Much of the current perception about eastern regions of Ukraine, including the territories of Donetsk and Luhansk that are occupied by separatists and Russian forces, is that they are pro-Russia and wish to be united with modern-day Russia. In the early post-independence period, these regions were the sites of the consolidation of power by oligarchs profiting from the privatisation of Soviet industries – people like future president Viktor Yanukovych – who did see Ukraine’s future as integrated with Russia. However, the 2013-2014 Euromaidan protests changed the role of people like Yanukovych. Protesters in Kyiv demanded the president’s resignation and, in February 2014, revolted against him and his Party of Regions, ultimately removing them from power. Importantly, pro-Euromaidan protests took place across Ukraine, including all over the eastern regions of the country and in Crimea.

Latest Developments of the war with Russia

NATO fighter jets were scrambled and air defense units put on alert in the early hours of Sunday in response to a major Russian drone and missile strike on Ukraine, the Polish Operational Command said in posts to X.

„Due to the activity of the Russian Federation’s long-range aviation, which is carrying out strikes on the territory of Ukraine, Polish and allied aviation has begun operating in our airspace,” the command said in a statement. Dutch F-35 stealth fighters and a German Patriot surface-to-air missile system were among the forces put on alert, the command added. Airspace over Lublin and Rzeszów near the Ukrainian border was also briefly closed.

The alert ended after around three-and-a-half hours with no reported violations of Polish airspace, the command said. There have been no reported violations of Polish airspace by long-range Russian drones since dozens crossed into the country during strikes on Ukraine on Sept. 10, prompting Polish and allied jets to shoot down several.

Kyiv was among the targets of the overnight Russian strikes. Zaporizhzhia, Khmelnytskyi, Sumy and Odesa were also attacked, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in a post to Telegram.

Nearly 500 strike drones and more than 40 missiles were involved in the attack, which lasted for more than 12 hours, the president said.

At least four people – among them a 12-year-old girl – were killed in the capital, according to a post by head of the Kyiv City Military Administration Timur Tkachenko to Telegram.

At least 27 people were also injured in Kyiv, local officials said.

„As of now, there are over 15 locations with damage,” Tkachenko said. „Among them are drone strikes on multi-story residential buildings,” Tkachenko reported damage in at least five city districts.

Conclusion

The war between Russia and Ukraine is rooted in historical conflicts from Kyivan Rus and modern sovereignty issues and remains unresolved in late 2025 and shows no signs of resolution. No long-term solution to the conflict is expected for 2026, as futile offensives and U.S. leader Vance’s calls for peace are met with a stalemate and escalation. In the period of August to September, Russian forces gained 206 square miles of Ukrainian territory. The extent of the economic and humanitarian costs includes a 30% drop in Ukraine’s GDP since 2022 with a 500+ billion dollar reconstruction and growing fiscal deficit, Russia is projected to have 0.9% GDP growth in 2025 and a 1.7% budget deficit, the EU is suffering from broken energy supply and costs from Ukrainian refugees, and the world is suffering from a spike in food and energy prices. Suffering that diplomacy can resolve. It is the collapse of the post-Soviet Union that allows these tensions to take place.

References

Zelensky condemns ‘vile’ Russian strikes lasting 12 hours
The History of Ukraine and Russia: From Medieval Rus to the First Tsars | History Hit
History of Ukraine – Wikipedia
Background – Russo-Ukrainian War
Chapter 3. Russia and Ukraine: Did They Reunite in 1654? | The Frontline
Ukraine got a signed commitment in 1994 to ensure its security – but can the US and allies stop Putin’s aggression now?
NATO fighter jets scrambled in Poland as Russia launches deadly strikes on Ukraine